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Me Too Forum

Special forum of “The Academy” section
Vol. 38, No. 1 (Spring 2019)

The #MeToo Movement by Committee, 201-204
Kate Krueger [full text]

Consenting to Conflict, 205-214
Corrinne Harol and Teresa Zackodnik [full text]

Institutional Failures in the Rise of #MeToo:
The Perpetuation of Epistemic and Other Harms to
Survivors in Academic Contexts
, 215-223
Heather Stewart

A Long Way to Go: Guarding Female Students in the Chinese Academy, 225-227
Shiqin Chen

#HerToo? Academic Exclusion in the Age of #MeToo, 229-234
Amber Pouliot [full text]

This entry was posted on June 18, 2019, in The Academy.

#HerToo? Academic Exclusion in the Age of #MeToo

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Amber Pouliot, Independent Scholar
Vol. 38, No. 1 (Spring 2019), 229-234

This article began life as an essay about the difficulties and dangers women face at academic conferences. It was inspired by my own and my fellow female delegates’ experiences of being threatened, followed, and groped in the neighborhood near our conference venue—classic #MeToo territory—and also by the realization that safety at conferences should be conceptualized in more capacious terms. Acutely aware of my own oversights and shortcomings when I had organized conferences in the past, the essay argued that safety should encompass issues like accessibility for disabled and neuro-diverse delegates; it stressed the need for pronoun badges for all delegates and restroom access that matches gender identity; it argued for sliding fees that reflect the pay gaps that exist not just between men and women but also between white women and women of color. But when I pitched the essay to four online higher education sites, two rejected the essay outright, one suggested it could be published if I focused on the sexual harassment that women faced (the implication being that I should not consider separately the issues of accessibility that different women experience depending on the intersection of their identities), and one published the article after removing all references to the impact of racial discrimination, transphobia, ableism, and poverty on conference-going women. The academy’s apparent unwillingness to confront the ways in which it disadvantages certain women—even in this climate of increased awareness of pervasive sexism and sexual violence—inspired the piece published here. The point of this essay is that the academy is a hostile place for women, but it is more difficult for women who are not white, cis, and heterosexual.

The Me Too movement was founded thirteen years ago by Tarana Burke to support survivors of sexual violence. The women with whom she worked were primarily young black women and women of color living in low-wealth communities, and Me Too was intended to validate their experiences, promote healing, and provide survivors and allies with resources appropriate to their communities. But in the process of its transformation into the viral #MeToo hashtag, the traumas of black and marginalized women that underpin this movement were quickly forgotten. Burke voiced her dismay in a letter extracted in Essence Magazine:

I was pained to watch Black women, yet again, being erased from the narrative . . . I started doing this work because there were so few resources and recourses for us, which is why it cuts deep to hear sisters, who are largely responsible for my visibility, saying the current iteration of the #MeToo movement isn’t for them.1

#MeToo has now been co-opted by the academy, where the extent of sexual abuse, harassment, and bullying is coming to light in articles, blogs, and crowdsourced documents. Despite its potential to unite survivors, hold perpetrators accountable, and change abusive norms in higher education, there is a real risk that the academic iteration will become another tool of exclusion that erases the unique experiences of black and minority ethnic women, trans women, poor women, and disabled women—just as Burke herself was nearly erased from the movement she created when Alyssa Milano tweeted #MeToo in 2017.

If we in the academy choose to invoke #MeToo, we must remember that this movement has always been both educational and intersectional, with Burke developing a

culturally-informed curriculum to discuss sexual violence within the Black community and in society at large. Similarly, the ‘me too’ movement seeks to support folks working within their communities to attend to the specific needs of their community/communities, i.e. supporting disabled trans survivors of color working to lead and craft events/toolkits/etc. with other disabled trans survivors.2

#MeToo makes it possible to imagine real transformation within the academy by unifying survivors. However, we must not allow it to become a tool that only or primarily helps white, cis women by treating women as a monolith and failing to create adequate space for consideration of the unique ways in which women of color, trans women and nonbinary people, disabled women, and poor women experience abuses of power, sexual harassment, and discrimination.

Colleges and universities are, of course, microcosms of society. Those who work and study within them are subjected to the same racism, sexism, classism, ableism, transphobia, homophobia, and myriad other forms of discrimination that structure society at large despite the protections afforded by Title IX (for now) and the best intentions of many members of the community. The academy is an uncongenial place for women, but that uncongeniality is intensified for marginalized women. For instance, while women are overrepresented in short-term, part-time, low-wage positions, white women in the United States have a clear advantage, as they are much more likely than women of color to secure full-time work.3 According to the National Center for Education Statistics,

Of all full-time faculty in degree-granting postsecondary institutions in fall 2016, 41 percent were White males; 35 percent were White females; 6 percent were Asian/Pacific Islander males; 4 percent were Asian/Pacific Islander females; 3 percent each were Black males, Black females, and Hispanic males; and 2 percent were Hispanic females. Those who were American Indian/Alaska Native and those who were Two or more races each made up 1 percent or less of full-time faculty in these institutions.4

The lack of representation of women of color is cause for serious concern not just because it indicates racial bias in hiring, tenure, and promotion procedures but also because it creates an environment in which microaggressions, racial profiling, and other forms of abuse—including sexual abuse—can proliferate. When Lolade Siyonbola fell asleep in her common room at Yale University and a concerned student called the police, the pith of that encounter was that a black woman was perceived to be a threat and was unfairly forced to prove her right to occupy space in one of the most prestigious universities in the world.5 In the United States, where black bodies are policed, antagonized, and constantly made to account for themselves, it comes as no surprise that women of color are harassed in institutions of higher learning, where they make up a tiny percentage of the population. The fact that they are often perceived, whether consciously or unconsciously, as not belonging in these spaces means that their experiences of mistreatment are at risk of being disregarded.

Similarly, at this historical moment, when the civil rights of trans and nonbinary people are under attack in the United States, we must recognize that trans women are subjected to unique forms of abuse, erasure, and discrimination within the academy. In October 2018, the New York Times reported on the Trump administration’s intention to revise the Department of Health and Human Services’ legal definition of sex as “a person’s status as male or female based on immutable biological traits identifiable by or before birth.”6 Defining sex according to a person’s genital assignment at birth or their genetic makeup effectively erases trans and nonbinary people and the protections to which they are entitled under Title IX. In addition to legal threats, trans and nonbinary scholars are subjected to insidious and pervasive forms of transphobia in the academy, often justified as freedom of speech. Grace Lavery’s recent essay “Grad School As Conversion Therapy” had to state explicitly that “deadnaming and misgendering are not acceptable scholarly practices, and they are not covered by the principle of academic freedom,” citing examples of senior academics justifying deadnaming (referring to a trans person by the name on their birth certificate), using the wrong pronouns to address students and colleagues, and inviting speakers who invalidate the existence of trans people to university campuses.7 Meanwhile, on the other side of the Atlantic, the United Kingdom’s public consultation to reform the Gender Recognition Act (the legal process by which people change their gender) inspired a series of editorials in the national press, many of them written by white, cis academic women expressing concern that self-identification would result in the admission of trans women into single-sex spaces, thereby jeopardizing the safety of cis women. Trans women are more likely to be victims of sexual violence than perpetrators, and excluding them from women’s toilets and other spaces jeopardizes their safety. Their identities and experiences were and are validated by Burke, and any principled use of #MeToo in the academy must center their experiences of abuse.

As the #MeToo hashtag continues into its second year, we have seen efforts to promote diversity and inclusion within our classrooms and the wider university environment smeared as violations of academic freedom and free speech, as Lavery and others have observed. On 12 November 2018, the BBC announced the launch of a new academic journal—the Journal of Controversial Ideas—which would allow authors to publish pseudonymously, thereby circumventing the “culture of fear and self-censorship” that its founders believe is plaguing academia in the United Kingdom.8 Academics receive abuse and harassment from readers on both the right and the left of the political spectrum, but Jeff McMann, one of the journal’s founders and professor of moral philosophy at the University of Oxford, expressed particular concern that “the threats to free speech and academic freedom that come from within the university tend to be more from the left.”9 Given that fellow founder, Peter Singer, has come under fire from disability rights activists for justifying the selective infanticide of disabled babies, critics of the proposed journal fear it will be used to disseminate inflammatory ideas that will cause real harm to already marginalized people.10

It seems clear that the academy is still a long way from achieving parity of treatment and opportunity for marginalized students and employees. #MeToo has the power to unify women in the academy and make their position stronger, but if we want to adopt #MeToo in any meaningful way, we must listen to what marginalized women tell us about their unique experiences of oppression, platform marginalized voices, and commit to working toward equality and changing our behaviors if they are harmful. If we want the privilege of using #MeToo, we have the responsibility to restructure the academy along more equitable lines.

AMBER POULIOT has a doctorate from the University of Leeds. She has published and has forthcoming essays in Brontë Studies, Charlotte Brontë: Legacies and Afterlives (2017), and the Edinburgh Companion to the Brontës and the Arts. She has written on precarity for a special issue of Pedagogy and has contributed essays on Henry Siddons to the Cambridge Guide to the Eighteenth-Century Novel (forthcoming 2020). She is coeditor of two special issues of Victorians: A Journal of Culture and Literature and of the forthcoming “Placing the Author: Ecologies of Literary Tourism” issue of Nineteenth-Century Contexts.

NOTES

1 Marquita K. Harris, “Tarana Burke Guest Edits Special ‘Me Too’ Edition for Essence,” Essence, 18 October 2018, https://www.essence.com/news/tarana-burke-guest-edits-the-november-2018-issue-of-essence.
2 “History and Vision,” me too., accessed 5 December 2018, https://metoomvmt.org/about.
3 For more on women being disproportionately represented among low-wage, short-term workers, see Jonah Newman, “There Is a Gender Pay Gap in Academe, but It May Not Be the Gap That Matters,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, 11 April 2014, https://www.chronicle.com/blogs/data/2014/04/11/there-is-a-gender-pay-gap-in-academe-but-it-may-not-be-the-gap-that-matters.
4 “Race/ethnicity of college faculty,” National Center for Education Statistics, accessed 5 December 2018, https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=61.
5 See Paula Rogo, “The Black Yale Student Who Was Racially Profiled For Napping Speaks, Says University ‘Has Not Done Enough,’” Essence, 16 May 2018, https://www.essence.com/news/black-yale-student-lolade-siyonbola-napping-while-black. Such incidents are widespread; Priyamvada Gopal, a Reader in Anglophone and Related Literature at Cambridge University, has been repeatedly racially profiled by porters at her college. Her concerns were dismissed by the university, and she has become an outspoken critic of their silence on matters of race. See Gopal, “Meet Priyamvada Gopal—The Academic Standing up to Racism at Cambridge University,” interview by Hanna Mirsky, Cambridgeshire Live, 21 October 2018, https://www.cambridge-news.co.uk/news/cambridge-news/meet-priyamvada-gopal-academic-standing-15297444.
6 Erica L. Green, Katie Benner, and Robert Pear, “‘Transgender’ Could Be Defined Out of Existence Under Trump Administration,” New York Times, 21 October 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/21/us/politics/transgender-trump-administration-sex-definition.html.
7 Grace Lavery, “Grad School As Conversion Therapy,” Los Angeles Review of Books (blog), 29 October 2018, http://blog.lareviewofbooks.org/essays/grad-school-conversion-therapy.
8 Martin Rosenbaum, “Pseudonyms to Protect Authors of Controversial Articles,” BBC, 12 November 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/education-46146766?fbclid=IwAR1Rb7sJOnECDU9iAtVZ6P3vLf1Tkl5oqR1us-7qYEzBrGI4iIPuPvuIxyg.
9 Quoted in Rosenbaum, “Pseudonyms to Protect Authors of Controversial Articles.”
10 See Harriet McBryde Johnson, “Unspeakable Conversations,” New York Times, 16 February 2003, https://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/16/magazine/unspeakable-conversations.html; Nesrine Malik, “A Journal for Anonymous ‘Controversial’ Ideas Will Only Fan the Flames,” The Guardian, 13 November 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/nov/13/journal-anonymous-controversial-ideas; and Haixin Dang and Joshua Habgood-Coote, “The Journal of Controversial Ideas: It’s Academic Freedom Without Responsibility, and That’s Recklessness,” The Conversation, 19 November 2018, https://theconversation.com/the-journal-of-controversial-ideas-its-academic-freedom-without-responsibility-and-thats-recklessness-107106.

This entry was posted on June 17, 2019, in The Academy.

Consenting to Conflict

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Corrinne Harol and Teresa Zackodnik, University of Alberta
Vol. 38, No. 1 (Spring 2019), 205-214

“We need to think about this in terms of harm and harm reduction.”
–Tarana Burke, founder of the MeToo movement1

We work in a longstanding feminist and majority white department with a history of feminist chairs; a strong profile in  women’s writing, feminist theory, and queer theory and writing; and a non-hierarchical ethos that regards students as junior colleagues.2 Corrinne has been working in the department for fourteen years and Teresa for twenty-two; we are cisgender, heterosexual, white settlers from working-class backgrounds. We are both committed to feminist scholarship and pedagogy, and we have been grateful to the department for hiring us and supporting those commitments. The department also has a long history of consensual relationships between instructors and students, and our department is not unique in this. The prevalence of faculty-student relationships—and their potential for both happy unions and detrimental effects on individuals and the learning climate—is fairly well established.3 Although neither of us has direct experience with consensual instructor-student relations, we each have experience with a range of specific harms that sex and power create in learning environments, and we are both survivors of sexual abuse.4 We have had students disclose violence, assault, and harassment to us, disclosures that recount both individual harms and harm to the learning environment.5 One of us also has experience with being sexually harassed in the department, and we both have experienced retaliatory behavior when attempting to address the harm caused by harassment disclosed to us by students. Like many others who receive such disclosures, in our university and elsewhere, we found the institutional process for receiving and dealing with disclosures to be confusing, and we were troubled by the additional harm that a formal complaint and an investigation cause to students who have already been harmed.6

In 2017, our university adopted a new sexual violence policy, which defines sexual violence capaciously, is student-centered, is based in affirmative consent, and is designed to make disclosures and complaints less harmful to students.7 All units on campus were called upon to educate and organize themselves in order to act on their professional responsibilities regarding the new policy. We proposed the creation of an ad-hoc departmental committee tasked with  responding to the policy, given the following: 1) we teach every student on campus through a required first-year course; 2) we often teach texts that represent sex and sexual violence; and 3) like any university department, we have had our own problems with sexual violence. Our department unanimously endorsed the creation of this committee.

Working on this committee was a positive experience—even a peak academic service experience—because it was collaborative, respectful, non-hierarchical, committed to doing difficult work, and most importantly driven by students.8 The committee discussed and undertook a number of initiatives, including education on sexual violence for faculty and students; an investigation of whether such education should be part of our first-year curriculum; workshops on how to receive disclosures; and focus groups on departmental climate. The issue that students felt most strongly about and that we spent the most time on was instructor-student relations. The university’s new sexual violence policy permits consensual relations with the understanding that consent must be affirmative and ongoing and that consent cannot be “obtained through the abuse of a position of power, trust or authority.”9 Consensual instructor-student relationships are governed by the university’s Conflict of Interest (COI) policy, which is meant to manage and reduce the potential harm of the power imbalances inherent when an instructor, supervisor, committee member, or administrator is also a student’s sexual partner.10 However, the university’s COI policy only references consensual instructor-student relationships with the phrase “personal benefit,” a vague catch-all that no one except those writing university policy understand to refer to instructor-student relationships.11

The committee realized that allowing consensual relations without a clear COI policy to address them meant that a student’s affirmative consent to a sexual relationship was made to bear the larger burdens of any harm in the learning environment, to which they had not consented. While some of us thought a total ban on such relations would be the route to reduce harm, we came to see that such a ban drives the harm of sexual violence underground, nullifies student agency in consenting, and addresses only a limited range of instructors and behaviors.12 Considering how a COI policy could be designed to predict where potential harms might arise and to manage or reduce their impact brought to light questions like the following: How might the consenting student’s academic trajectory be impacted? How is the learning environment affected when the instructor considers it a potential dating pool? How might third parties be affected by the awareness that another student has privileged access to their instructor?13 A student cannot be expected to anticipate such potential harms or consent to them. As the committee considered these questions and dynamics, the students turned the tables, making disclosure of conflicts resulting from a sexual or romantic relationship the faculty’s responsibilities, not their own. The students taught us that our own consent needed, as theirs did, to be affirmative and that disclosure is key to maintaining equitable learning environments. Throughout, student voices and thinking called us to confront the ways in which a student’s consent to a sexual relationship does not nullify or will away COIs and to consider the implications of our own consent to the conflicts posed by these relationships. The following sections examine some of the key learning moments these students provided us.

“How is this not already a thing?”
–undergraduate student committee representatives

The students’ initial response to a departmental COI statement—“How is this not already a thing?”—reflected both their understanding of the conditions of power that govern academia and their assumption that professors had professional ethics that would guide their behavior with students. But unlike many other professionals, we do not. This deficiency perhaps results because professors are not explicitly trained to teach nor does the teacher training we are offered “include the ethical issues of professor-student relationships.”14 Our professional organizations have also elected not to prioritize professional ethics in our work with students.15 Our students were calling out this professional failure to take responsibility for the power, trust, and authority with which we are invested in relation to them.16

“People, it’s simple: just don’t have sex with your students.”
–undergraduate student committee representative

In our consultations, faculty expressed concern that a departmental statement on COIs would be complicated to manage, but this student saw clearly that it is the instructor who brings complication, conflict, and potential harm into the learning environment when they have a personal relationship with a student. It is therefore incumbent on faculty to consider what it really means to consent to a relationship or a culture in which our own internal conflicts—between our professional roles and responsibilities and our personal relations—are potential impingements on students’ access to equitable conditions of learning. For this student, the issue with instructor-student relations is not whether a student can consent but whether an instructor can or should consent to bringing these complications into the learning environment.

“These relationships should not exist if we can’t be honest about them.”
–survey response from an undergraduate student

Some instructors worry that if consensual relations are permitted as an allowable conflict and as such are disclosed and managed, the private—sexual partners, sexual orientations—will be unnecessarily made public. But it is the relationship itself, not the disclosure of it, that brings the private into the public space of the learning environment. This student’s comment challenges us to see that our desire to keep our private lives separate from our work lives suggests that we know these things are or can be in conflict when they mix and that harm—to the individual student or to third parties—can result.17 Disclosure does not cause the conflict but rather allows it to be managed to protect all students and the learning environment. A COI policy puts the burden of disclosure on the instructor when a relationship begins rather than on the student when and if they feel coerced, experience harm, and/or revoke their consent and the relationship turns to sexual violence.

“I heard stuff along those lines before . . . and I’ve heard more since being
here, always second-hand via various whisper-networks.”

–survey response from a former graduate student
who is now a contract instructor

This remark tells us that graduate students are talking about these issues with each other but not necessarily with faculty members; of all the constituencies in the department, graduate students shared their views least frequently during our consultation about COIs. In light of recent conversations about graduate education and exploitation, paying attention to silence is crucial.18 The silence itself raises numerous questions: Are the conflicts that consensual relationships present intensified for graduate students, given that they often occupy dual roles as instructors and students? Might their silence indicate a multiple precarity of entering into such a conversation in hierarchical spaces that exploit their labor under the guise of funding while also imagining them as “junior colleagues,” despite the gutting of the academic job market? Might speaking out risk opposing and alienating a supervisory committee member or a member of a scholarship committee? In other words, the silences of graduate students may index conflicts to which they have not affirmatively consented yet in which they are nonetheless entangled.

*

In writing this essay, we have been disclosing our own implicit consent to something by which we have long been troubled: consensual instructor-student relations and the conflicts they create. Our silence has functioned as consent, although not affirmative, and has made us complicit in a climate that, like us, has consented to the conflicts such relations present without addressing the harms they may create. Our committee’s statement on COIs attempted to address this question of consent, its conflicts, and its potential harms head-on, as well as to call on instructors to fulfill their professional accountability for the learning environment and students’ equitable access to it. It was developed in close collaboration with those responsible for the university’s sexual violence policy and COI policy, was supported by our Dean, and was approved by the department, with support that was unanimous by all constituencies except faculty. It had two notable features: it expanded the realm of our accountability by covering relations between any instructor and any students in our programs or classes; and it redirected attention from university liability or financial interests to protecting students and their learning environments from harm.19 Our department process inspired the university, just three months later, to update its COI reporting mechanisms; the university now explicitly requires faculty to declare a COI for a sexual or romantic relationship with any student in one’s classes, department, or division, which includes more students even than our statement. Yet it still prioritizes institutional reputation and financial concerns, mentioning neither the learning environment nor the learning opportunities of the student in the relationship.20 Hence, much work remains, especially to face and address the conflicts to which we require graduate students to consent (implicitly) as conditions of their studies, conflicts that serve our own individual faculty and wider program interests.

Since the vote on the COI statement, graduate students, silent no longer, are actively trying to address our department’s climate issues. They have organized a peer support program and have presented a statement to the department identifying harmful elements of our climate that dismiss their voices, even in matters that directly concern them. We continue to work on how we—specifically the provost’s office, which oversees COIs—can ensure that such polices are applied equitably, in order to ensure that students and professors who identify as a minority—whether sexual, racial, or gender—are not rendered yet more vulnerable by them. We believe that it is our responsibility as tenured scholars and especially as feminists—and we call upon readers of this journal as well—to take on this work of recognizing and reducing the harm that such conflicts or their management create. This work needs to be taken up in our local contexts, and we also need to advocate for reforms at higher levels within our universities and professional associations.

CORRINNE HAROL is Professor in English and Film Studies at the University of Alberta. Her publications include Enlightened Virginity in Eighteenth-Century Literature (2006) and the edited collection Literary/Liberal Entanglements: Toward a Literary History for the Twenty-First Century (2017). She is currently finishing a book called Conservative Forms: 1688 and the Literary Imagination.

TERESA ZACKODNIK is Professor in English and Film Studies at the University of Alberta. She has written The Mulatta and the Politics of Race (2004) and Press, Platform, Pulpit: Black Feminist Publics in the Era of Reform (2011), and edited African American Feminisms, 1828-1923 (2007; 6 vols), “We Must be Up and Doing”: A Reader in Early African American Feminisms (2010), and a forthcoming volume in the African American Literature in Transition series.

NOTES

1 Tarana Burke, interview by Kendall Ciesmier, Mic Dispatch (Los Angeles), 10 October 2018, https://buff.ly/2ycnk5B.
2 We call attention to these aspects of our department because they may indicate specific affordances and challenges in terms of dealing with consensual relations, including whether a full range of perspectives and experiences is being represented in our conversations and whether our own self-image limits how we perceive the vulnerabilities of students in a deeply hierarchical academic structure.
3 See for example Leila Whitley and Tiffany Page, “Sexism at the Centre: Locating the Problem of Sexual Harassment,” New Formations: A Journal of Culture/Theory/Politics, 86 (2015), 34-53; Marcia L. Bellas and Jennifer L. Gossett, “‘Love Or the Lecherous Professor’: Consensual Sexual Relationships Between Professors and Students,” Sociological Quarterly, 42, No. 4 (2001), 529-58; Shirley Katz, “Sexual Relations Between Students and Faculty,” University Affairs, 1 December 2000 https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/sexual-relations-students-faculty/; and Elisabeth A. Keller, “Consensual Amorous Relationships Between Faculty and Students: The Constitutional Right to Privacy,” Journal of College and University Law, 15, No. 1 (1988), 21-42.
4 We include this detail because we think that it impacts the kinds of disclosures that we receive, how we respond to them, and how we understand harm and the potential for harm. Tarana Burke’s observation resonates with us: “There’s a deep, deep, deep divide between survivors of sexual violence and those who are not”; see Michael Love Michael, “Tarana Burke On the One Year Anniversary of #MeToo Going Viral,” Paper, 14 October 2018, www.papermag.com/tarana-burke-me-too-2611417381.html.
5 By “learning environment,” we mean third party students—those not involved in the relationship but who are affected by it. Such harms also impact the reputation of a learning environment—a department and its programs.
6 Our university, until this past year, required that the individual experiencing harm use a catch-all grievance procedure to register that harm, which in turn required them to pursue a formal complaint, individual against individual. Such a procedure individualizes what are institutional problems and in doing so, discounts the power asymmetries that make it highly unlikely for students to perceive such a process as accessible, safe, or effective. For more on individualizing complaint procedures that focus on “excis[ing]” the “individual irregularity” and its effects, see Whitley and Page, “Sexism at the Centre,” 49, 48; on the lack of student confidence in such complaint processes, see David Cantor, Bonnie Fisher, Susan Chibnall, Reanne Townsend, Hyunshik Lee, Carol Bruce, and Gail Thomas, Report on the AAU Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct, Association of American Universities, 21 September 2015, https://www.aau.edu/sites/default/files/%40%20Files/Climate%20Survey/AAU_Campus_Climate_Survey_12_14_15.pdf. This survey reports: “When asked what might happen when a student reports an incident of sexual assault or misconduct to a university official, about half say that it is very or extremely likely that the university will conduct a fair investigation. The percentage is lower for those groups that are most likely to report victimization (i.e., females and those identifying as TGQN [transgender, genderqueer, non-conforming, questioning])” (p. 51).
7 See University of Alberta, “Sexual Violence Policy,” 23 June 2017, https://policiesonline.ualberta.ca/PoliciesProcedures/Policies/Sexual-Violence-Policy.pdf. In this essay, we use this policy’s definition of sexual violence, disclosure, consent, and complaint.
8 The committee was comprised of four tenured professors (two of whom completed their bachelor of arts degrees in our department), one contract instructor (who had been a graduate student in our program), one graduate student, and two undergraduate students. It was somewhat diverse in class background, genders, and sexualities, though not in terms of race. One of the students had volunteered for the sexual assault center on campus, which meant he had more expertise than the rest of us.
9 University of Alberta, “Sexual Violence Policy.”
10 The issue of consent has generally been foremost in universities’ varied positions on instructor-student relationships, placing them more clearly into sexual violence policies rather than COI policies. Our university’s COI policy, in place since 2008, is astoundingly vague on this question, focusing on the university’s financial interests and legal liability and offering no guidance regarding the ethical responsibilities to students. There is a robust literature on consensual instructor-student relationships in academia and how institutions variously address them, including through COIs. For a recent literature review, see Tara N. Richards, Courtney Crittenden, Tammy S. Garland, and Karen Mcguffe, “An Exploration of Policies Governing Faculty-to-Student Consensual Sexual Relationships on University Campuses: Current Strategies and Future Directions,” Journal of College Student Development, 55, No. 4 (2014), 337-52; and Marka B. Fleming, Amanda Harmon Cooley, and Gwendolyn McFadden-Wade, “Legal Implications Surrounding University Policies Enacted to Govern the Consensual Professor-Student Relationship,” Southern Law Journal, 19 (2009), 121-40. Richards et al. argue that “formal policies concerning consensual relationships . . . may help protect students from being exploited and assist in addressing the disparate power relationship between faculty and students” (p. 340).
11 See the preamble to the “Conflict of Interest and Conflict of Commitment Disclosure Report (Faculty, FSO’s, Librarians and APOs), 2018 Update” form, which is accessible through a link at the end of University of Alberta, “Conflict of Interest and Conflict of Commitment Reporting and Assessment Procedure,” 16 November 2009, https://policiesonline.ualberta.ca/PoliciesProcedures/Procedures/Conflict-of-Interest-and-Conflict-of-Commitment-Reporting-and-Assessment-Procedure.pdf. While we are writing here only about COIs presented by consensual relationships between instructors and students, there are a range of other COIs that can be active in departments, including between spouses, when hiring a student from the program in an instructor role, and when employing students for extracurricular jobs, such as pet and house-sitters, babysitters, and movers. We feel that the arguments we make about conflicts in consensual relations can also be applied to these situations.
12 The question of whether to ban such relations has been particularly divisive among feminists, with opponents arguing that a ban is paternalistic. See for example Afshan Jafar, “Consent or Coercion? Sexual Relationships Between College Faculty and Students,” Gender Issues, 21, No. 1 (2003), 43-58; and Sherry Young, “Getting to Yes: The Case against Banning Consensual Relationships in Higher Education,” American University Journal of Gender and the Law, 4, No. 2 (1996), 269-302. In electing not to ban instructor-student consensual relations but rather to manage them as allowable under a COI policy, our university seems to be going against the trend, at least for United States institutions covered by Title IX; see Colleen Flaherty, “Relationship Restrictions: Academe Sees a New Wave of Faculty-Student Relationship Restrictions in the Era of Me Too,” 24 May 2018, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2018/05/24/academe-sees-new-wave-faculty-student-relationship-restrictions-era-me-too. Our university’s policy implicitly allows for consensual sexual or romantic relations between instructors and students for several reasons. First, if we are committed to believing those who disclose sexual violence, we must also believe students when they say sex is consensual; the ability to determine consent (in the present, past, and future) must lie with the student. Second, affirmative consent enables students to change their minds. They may in retrospect realize that what they thought was consensual was not, or they might have begun by consenting but then realize that they did not have the ability to revoke their consent due to the asymmetry of power in that relationship. Third, research indicates that when institutions ban such relationships, disclosures of sexual violence are affected; students believe that they cannot disclose because they will be perceived as having done something wrong in entering the relationship willingly in the first place.
13 For more information on this issue, see Nancy Leong, “Them Too,” Washington University Law Review (forthcoming), 3 April 2018, https://ssrn.com/abstract=3118040 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3118040.
14 Belinda Blevins-Knabe, “The Ethics of Dual Relationships in Higher Education,” Ethics and Behavior, 2, No. 3 (1992), 151.
15 The Association of Canadian College and University Teachers of English (ACCUTE) is currently at work on a statement of professional standards and ethics. The preamble to the Modern Languages Association’s (MLA) “Statement of Professional Ethics” couches potential abuses of power under its injunctions to “freedom of inquiry” and casts ethical treatment of students as a “should” not a must: “Teachers . . . should not exploit them [students] for personal or professional ends”; see Modern Languages Association, “Statement of Professional Ethics,” accessed 12 October 2018, https://www.mla.org/Resources/Research/Surveys-Reports-and-Other-Documents/Staffing-Salaries-and-Other-Professional-Issues/Statement-of-Professional-Ethics/Read-the-Statement-Online. It concludes by casting “ethical obligations” negatively as “restraints in exercising our responsibilities as scholars, teachers, and students.” The American Association of University Professors (AAUP) is similarly vague, emphasizing academic freedom and the pursuit of truth over protecting students in its professional ethics; see American Association of University Professors, “Statement on Professional Ethics,” accessed 12 October 2018, https://www.aaup.org/report/statement-professional-ethics. The association also fails to consider third party harms in its statement on consensual relations, stating only that “steps should be taken to ensure unbiased evaluation or supervision of the student”; see American Association of University Professors, “Consensual Relations Between Faculty and Students,” Policy Documents and Reports, 9th ed. (Washington, DC: American Association of University Professors, 2001), 211.
16 For more on the instructor-student professional relationship as based in power, trust, and authority, see for example Margaret H. Mack, “Regulating Sexual Relationships Between Faculty and Students,” Michigan Journal of Gender and Law, 6 (1999), 79-112. On labor arbitrators in Canada affirming trust and fiduciary duty as central to faculty-student relations in their rulings on sexual harassment, including harassment stemming from consensual relations in which the student revoked consent, see Cynthia Petersen, “Sexual Harassment Cases on Campus: How Have Labour Arbitrators Ruled?,” in “Policing Relationships on Campus,” special issue, Academic Matters, October-November 2011, 15-18.
17 During our consultations, several people worried about the impact of disclosing a student’s sexuality in reporting a COI and about the potential for these kinds of policies to be inequitably applied to vulnerable—LGBTQ2S+ and people of color—instructors and students. These worries came out of circulating accounts of Title IX cases. We take seriously these concerns for potential harm and the fact that all types of non-consensual sexual experiences on university campuses occur more frequently for women, people of color, and trans, gender non-conforming, and queer students; see Cantor et al., Report on the AAU Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct. Leong argues that “concern for uneven enforcement, however, does not counsel in favor of no regulation; rather, it militates in favor of stronger measures to ensure that regulation is evenly applied”; see Leong, “Them Too,” 9n30. Mack argues that “faculty-student sex policies must strike a balance between respecting privacy and protecting the interests of students in their education” (p. 101).
18 See Anna Waymack, “the lower frequencies,” Medium, 29 August 2018, https://medium.com/@annawaymack/the-lower-frequencies-7060c21ce47d; and Corey Robinson, “The Unsexy Truth About the Avital Ronell Scandal, The Erotic Aspects Obscure the Fundamental Issue: Power,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, 20 August 2018, https://www.chronicle.com/article/The-Unsexy-Truth-About-the/244314. Waymack calls for attention to the disempowered position of graduate students relative to the protections of tenure, a position that makes it uniquely difficult for graduate students to weigh in on conversations that concern their constituency: “Faculty, please listen to the silences.” Richards et al. document that most institutions view “consensual relationships between supervising professors and their students” as “a ‘gray area’ that has been largely ignored or even tolerated,” leaving what policies they do have ambiguous on whether the power “differentials” recognized pertain “only between faculty and undergraduate students or . . . [are] extended to faculty and graduate students” (p. 344). We would add that often age disparities seem to govern whether consensual relations are regarded by institutions as a “gray area,” leaving graduate students uniquely exposed to power’s asymmetry on campus simply because they are closer in age to their professors than are most undergraduates. The Report on the AAU Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct also reports that “graduate/professional students more often identified the offender” who sexually harassed them “as a faculty member (e.g., 22.4% of female graduate/professional students vs. 5.9% of female undergraduates)” (p. 31).
19 Most COI policies, including our own university’s, focus only on instructors in a direct and present relation to the consenting student, from grading their work in a course to directly supervising the student. This limitation can be seen as designed to address favoritism benefitting the consenting student and damage to the institution’s reputation but not the potential for broader harms to third parties or the learning environment. Management of COIs in such cases has historically meant removing the consenting student from the course in question or from the supervisory relationship, which limits that student’s equitable and full access to learning opportunities.
20 See the preamble to the “Conflict of Interest and Conflict of Commitment Disclosure Report (Faculty, FSO’s, Librarians and APOs), 2018 Update” form. Contract instructors are required to complete an identical form. The procedure remains unchanged since 2009, and its direction for managing COIs centers the reporting individual—the instructor—in cases of consensual relationships, not the student: “3. When an activity or situation can be managed as an allowed conflict, the reporting officer will: a. Work with the reporting individual to settle on the terms and conditions under which an activity or situation associated with an allowed conflict will be conducted and managed” (p. 2).

This entry was posted on June 17, 2019, in The Academy.

The #MeToo Movement by Committee

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Kate Krueger, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Vol. 38, No. 1 (Spring 2019), 201-204

The Research Talk

The on-campus interview had been going well. The department had not had a new hire in over a decade, so the members of the department were invested in whoever would get the position. I had practiced my talk on British women writers several times and was comfortable behind the podium, gesturing for emphasis (I have always been a hand-talker). At the end of the day, a faculty member shared that my research talk was well received except that my “midriff” had shown during my presentation. I was wearing a pantsuit with a crewneck sweater shell top. Apparently my sweater had risen slightly as I gestured during my thirty-minute discussion of my years-long research project. This person also disclosed that they felt that I was one of their girls—like their daughter. I do not recall how (or whether) I responded in the moment.

The offhand comment about my body during a job interview was startling, but I was also offered the position, so I decided I could absorb this minor comment. I was finishing up a one-year  visiting assistant professor position and this was my only on-campus interview. If I decided not to take the job, I had no idea what I would do. The expectation was that to work in academia, you had to get your foot in the door and never take it out. To leave academia, even for a year, meant that you would never be taken seriously as an applicant for an academic position again. I could take this tenure-track job and work my way up. I could do what I was trained to do and be a mentor to my students. I could make the best of it.

The On-Campus Interview Invitation

After I had been working for several years as an assistant professor, I went back on the job market. My experience coordinating an interdisciplinary minor, my forthcoming book, and my two teaching awards sparked some interest at a liberal arts institution offering my dream job. When I received an invitation for an on-campus interview, my instincts were confirmed. The search committee was “unanimously impressed” with my application and phone interview. There was only one problem: I was eight-and-a-half months pregnant, and I could not travel on the dates they suggested.

I responded by expressing my excitement and disclosing that I was unable to travel during the week they had chosen due to my advanced pregnancy. I suggested two possible accommodations: I could either do a virtual campus visit on the original date they suggested through Skype, or we could postpone an in-person visit for two weeks until immediately after the birth of my child. The university chose instead to withdraw their invitation. Citing regulations, they refused a virtual interview, and because “the committee has been charged with completing the work by late January . . . even an early February visit, given your due date and our timeline, will not work.” In all aspects of my professional life, I had diligently kept to the typical timeline. I finished my degree in seven years; I received a visiting assistantship and then a tenure-track assistant professorship; I published a book within my first four years on the tenure track. And I met an amazing partner, and we were starting a family. The conception of our child occurred just a couple of months too late. Fifteen years of work had come down to a two-week window, and I missed it. The committee member’s rejection ended with these words: “I wish you well on your delivery and know your new baby will bring much joy.” This expression of sentiment did not have the effect the writer intended.

I later discovered that I could have called the hiring institution’s Title IX department, who would have worked with me to find an “acceptable resolution” to this violation of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act. I could perhaps have insisted that they adhere to the law and accommodate me, but I would have been policing future colleagues who could potentially pass judgment in the tenure process, assuming they would be willing to hire me at all. Perhaps institutional practices might have been changed if I had made a report. However, in reality each hiring committee is comprised of different faculty, and each committee makes autonomous decisions. The individuals who serve on these committees have immense power; it is their responsibility to know the law and to speak out when it is violated. My experience would therefore not necessarily improve the future experiences of others. The system is unjust as long as those who are victimized are required to be the ones who police behavior. I was two weeks away from a difficult birth and long physical recovery, emotionally devastated, and unwilling to disclose to my home institution that I was on the job market. Shortly after this experience, I received tenure at my current institution. This gave me security and a voice that I had not previously had. I resolved to continue to try to make positive change.

Tenure, Promotion, and Performance Evaluation

In order to create more equity in my department, I worked with the chair to develop a new, more transparent system for performance evaluations. Pre-tenure faculty had been overloaded with service activities that they were unable to decline while select members of the tenured faculty simply opted out of service work. This type of unequal service load tends to fall upon faculty members who are women and/or people of color. We updated our rubric to assess service, teaching, and research contributions. Several of the pre-tenure faculty scored higher than the tenured faculty on their annual performance reviews. One tenured faculty member began to challenge my authority and that of the chair—we were both female administrators—while also critiquing what they perceived as favoritism toward pre-tenure faculty. I also served with this professor on our promotion and tenure committee. The professor’s behavior was most egregious during a debate about the tenure and promotion of a highly successful junior colleague when I openly challenged commentary that I argued was an unethical breach of protocol. The other faculty members in that meeting were largely silent. Afterward, a series of events made it clear to me that I was being targeted for retaliation. The committee revising the college promotion and tenure guidelines inserted language to bar people holding certain administrative roles from serving on promotion and tenure committees (which effectively removed me from the committee where I had critiqued my colleague’s actions). When working on other unrelated committees, this faculty member met my proposals with questions about my ethics, my authority to be doing that work, and my expertise.

Because of the #MeToo movement and my tenured position, I felt as though I had a voice. I filed a complaint alleging harassment on the basis of gender with Title IX. I listed the ways in which my colleague in clearly gendered ways regularly attacked my reputation, devalued my contributions, and retaliated against me after I spoke up in defense of another female faculty member. I wrote down—week by week, month by month—each incident. It helped to see all of the times in which I was required to deflect these hostilities. Harassment on the basis of gender is insidious. The people who are targeted are worn down by relentless microaggressions. Often, colleagues do not recognize such treatment because they do not suffer it themselves, or they dismiss what they witness as one isolated incident, not realizing that it is part of a larger pattern. Others do recognize this behavior but remain silent because they do not want to become targets, which enables such actions to continue. In my report, I made a record. I acted in the hope that it would strengthen the case of the next person who came forward.

On Service Work

I wonder at the cost of repetitive messages that tell me my body makes me unfit for this position; my contributions are unseen; and my pursuit of ethical community building is antithetical to academic hierarchies. Reporting harassment takes a toll. I have since left my faculty position and am now the director of an honors program at another university. I miss teaching and the impact I made as a faculty member, but in this new environment, I can continue to work on behalf of students to promote ethical and enriching academic experiences.

Hiring and tenure committees have profound power in academics’ lives. They are autonomous and largely self-policed. Those who serve in these roles must be willing to speak on behalf of others. Until more do, academics will continue to suffer harassment and discrimination. The first step is to share these stories. Tarana Burke began #MeToo in 2006 in order to create a community and elevate the voices of black women and girls who suffer from harassment and abuse. Burke has consistently emphasized the importance of community building and the solidarity that comes from telling our stories to one another. Burke promotes “empowerment through empathy.”1 I enact this philosophy when I write my story here.

KATE KRUEGER is currently Director of Honors for the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Formerly an Associate Professor of English, she authored British Women Writers and the Short Story, 1850-1930: Reclaiming Social Space (2014) and has published articles in Victorian Periodicals Review, Women’s Writing, English Literature in Transition, 1880-1920, and Journal of the Short Story in English. Her most recent work is the chapter “Decadence, Parody, and New Woman’s Writing” in Decadence and Literature, forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.

NOTES

1 “Empowerment Through Empathy,” Just Be Inc., 2013, accessed 21 October 2018, http://justbeinc.wixsite.com/justbeinc/the-me-too-movement-c7cf.

This entry was posted on June 17, 2019, in The Academy.

Reviews, Spring 2019, Vol. 38, No. 1

Mary Robinson and the Genesis of Romanticism: Literary Dialogues and Debts, 1784-1821, by Ashley Cross, 235-236
Susan Civale

Romantic Women Writers and Arthurian Legend: The Quest for Knowledge, by Katie Garner, 237-238
Clare Broome Saunders

City Folk and Country Folk, by Sofia Khvoshchinskaya, translated from Russian by Nora Seligman Favorov,  238-241
Svetlana Grenier

The Remarkable Kinship of Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings and Ellen Glasgow, by Ashley Andrews Lear, 241-243
Linda Kornasky

Women Writing Cloth: Migratory Fictions in the American Imaginary, by Mary Jo Bona, 243-245
Ann M. Ciasullo

Posthuman Blackness and the Black Female Imagination, by Kristen Lillvis, 246-248
James Arnett

Odious Caribbean Women and the Palpable Aesthetics of Transgression, by Gladys M. Francis, 248-251
Hadley Galbraith

This entry was posted on April 30, 2019, in Reviews.